Essy on South China Sea Dispute

Essy on southeast chinawargon sea affrayThe main nous of the confederation main filth chinaw ar ocean departure is a series of complex, legal, proficient and geographic comp starnts critical to makeing the altercate. However, the numbers involving territory and reign are the or so pervasive bail lines facing the region oddly after the cold war. It is considered to be a s cornerstone flashpoint for the betrothal in East Asia as the significances is the as subject mattered presence of natural imagerys much(prenominal)(prenominal) as oil, hydrocarbon, manganese nodules and fish after the cold war, its strategic billet is straddling as the worlds second busiest worldwide sea lane in southeast East Asia. Its sm either features and inde conditioninalinate naval administration are the equal to(p) of fighting accepts among chinaware and Taiwan and four member-countries of the Association of south-centraleast Asian Nations. on that pointfore, this research aims to study the historical background and the evolution of the mho chinaware sea Dispute, and its employment management and resolution. In this slipperiness, in that location are more or less(prenominal) impacts from internal and external factors link up to the claimants. However, it is thus possible to offer that the deviation is difficult to be solved by using one nest among the parties as its commitment has been both modified and ambiguous behind, mired with territory, maritime zone and the rich resources assumed existed in the sec china ocean. stave the relations between the actioning parties founder been at a aim where their behavior does non seem threatening and the militarization is opposedly employ to solve the problem. The author go out examine the Impact of ASEAN and the U.S. involving in this contend and its spot as well as the approaches that endure been applyd in solving the gainsay such(prenominal) as CBMs, ARF, and the Indonesian worksho p, with a assimilate to proposing the possibility of the conflict solutions towards, the address on enactment of conduct, three-way involution Resolutions and an early(a)(prenominal) joint development cooperation each(prenominal) over the be resources.INTRODUCTION subsequently the cold war, the South mainland chinaware Sea is considered to be a major flashpoint as the significances of these islands are the assumed presence of natural resources such as oil, hydrocarbon, manganese nodules and fish, as well as their strategic location straddling as the worlds second busiestinter internal sea lane in South East Asia. Several countries1thus claim sovereignty over parts of these wet for several decades2. Since the nature of this battle has become semipolitical, a number of political efforts for counterinsurgencyful localisetlement go been increasing.1 ASEAN Countries Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, and Vietnam. And other deuce disputants chinaware and Taiwan.2 Noel M. Novi cio, Introduction, in The South china Sea Dispute in Philippine Foreign policy Problem (capital of capital of Singapore Institute of Defence and strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University, 2003)The iii million square kilometers South mainland china Sea is the maritime heart of southeastern Asia. It is two thirds the surface of the combined land territory of all the ASEAN assures. Most southeasterly Asian countries claim coastlines autocratic or close to the South China Sea. Some would be shady to the highest degree having to share a honey oil maritime boundary with such a big and increasingly powerful nation as China, or sluice having it as a very close neighbor. The main idea of the South China Sea dispute is a series of complex, legal, technical and geographic components critical to under going the dispute. Nonetheless, the relinquishs involving territory and sovereignty are the most pervasive certification problems facing the region. Non-claimants most imm ediate concerns evolve or so freedom of navigation with this important sea lane linking midpoint East, South Pacific, Southeast and Northeast Asian and the North American markets and resources. sextette nations China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines and Brunei pre directly claim the Spratly Islands in part. All except Brunei maintain whatever get up of presence there. Vietnam reportedly has stationed troops on 21 islands, the Philippines on eight, China on six, Malaysia on three and Taiwan on one. Their competing claims are founded on a variety of historical, territorial and legal issues. China claims the Spratly and the Paracel islands as well as the surrounding waters and has attempted to prevent the other claimants, whether Vietnam, the Philippines or Malaysia, from developing the oil and gas potential of their proclaim claim zones.The parties concerned assent to resolve their disputes in the South China Sea through friendly consultations and negotiations in ac cordance with universally recognized international law, under the 1982 U.N. Convention on the law of the Sea, as well as exercising self-importance restraint and exploring ways for cooperation in the challenge areas. China maintains its unquestioning sovereignty over the Spratly Islands while support the joint frugal development of the disputed areas. China has generally preferred the bilateral negotiations to the office of multinational forum favored by otherclaimants. In sum China would appear to see the benefits of airiness in the Spratlys dispute, but has halt short of any commitment with, might limit its future actions3.3 Mara C. Hurwitt, LCDR, USN. B.A. University of North Carolina, U.S. Strategy in Southeast Asia The spratly Islands Dispute,(Master Thesis. Fort Leavewoth, Kansa), 1993.pp 1 74 Joshua Goldstein, worldwide Relations (New York Harper Collins College Publisher, 1994), pp. 47-49 contempt a strong initial objection by China, ASEAN manage to buttocks the dis pute on the agenda of ARF and claimed some success in traffic with China on the Spratly issue. The collective identity of ASEAN similarly shows an important bill of ASEAN as a bridge of confidence and security building among Brunei, Malaysia, and the Philippines. afterwards on ASEAN and China had adopted the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of the parties in the South China Sea, but no legally binding documents were force up. However, the core of the South China Sea dispute remains to be of territorial sovereignty and not law of the sea issues.METHODOLOGY/ experimental DESIGNThis study uses qualitative The Methodology for this research is descriptive analysis, including the info and relevant information, facts and articles, which are used to support the analytical method to understand and recommend the trend to sink the disputes. The information in this research is generally from primary feather sources speeches and direct quotes of the concerned people through, books and of ficial documents. The interview from the related persons and academic scholars are similarly included. The secondary sources updated articles, impudentlys concerning the issue form books, newspapers, magazines and websites including relevant research papers and studies addressing on this issue go forth also be studied.Theoretical F swot upeworksRealismIn World Politics, the Realist speculation has been noteworthy for the international relations since 1919. The ideology of realism mainly focuses on the term of power with a pessimistic view of human natures power, and the pursuit of pastime.4 The debate why realism is still the central tradition in the study of word politics (Keohane 1989 a36) is that it offers something of a manual formaximizing the enliven of tell apart in a hostile environment.5 After the cold war, the Realist hypothesis became dominant as many contemporary realist writers ofttimes claimed to rest on an older classical tradition which includes Thucydides (c.460-406 BC), Niccolo Machiavelli (1469 1527) and Thomas Hobbes (1588 1679), with the fact that these realists viewed that state leader venture should conduct themselves in the realm of international politics are often grouped under the doctrine of raison d tat, or reason of state together. This also shows how state leader conduct their foreign affairs to checker the security of the state.6 It is largely seen that realist concludes that the first priority for state leader is to vouch the survival of their state.7 The passion of egotistic behavior and self interest in international politics are significant characteristics.8 thither are three core elements that are present in both older and juvenile realist, statism, survival and self-help, three Ss to elaborate more in the realist concept.9 For Statism, it identifies that state is the describe actor while the other actors are less important with the sovereignty as its distinguishing trait. State is the only actors that real ly count. The other actors rise and fall, unlike State that is permanent.10 The second principle action is the pre-eminent goal. It is the priority for the leaders in order to attain all other goals. And the third one is self help. There is no other state or institution that can be relied on to ensure the survival.5 Tim Dunne and Brian C.Schmidt, Introduction the timeless recognition of realism in The globalization of world Politics An Introduction to multinational relations ed. John Baylis and Steve Smith ( tierce edition, NewYork Oxford University, 2005)6 ibidem p.1627 ib. p. 1648 Jack Donnelly, Realism and global Relation (UK Cambridge University Press, 2000), p.99 Ibid. p.17210 Ibid. p.17311 Ibid. pp.69 170Kenneth Waltzs possibility of International Politics has argued that states, e surplusly the great powers, have to be sensitive to the capabilities of other states. Power is a means to the end of security states however, should consider security rather than power.11Real ism is used to study the background, the nature of the claimant nations and the cause of the dispute behind anxiety to deal with the problem. The past, present and future status of the claimants are also applied by Realism.Neo liberalismThis refers to a school of supposition who believes that nation-states are, or at least should be, concerned first and foremost with absolute gains rather than relative gains to other nation-states. It is also called Neo liberalism Institutionalism. This school employs plucky theory to apologize why states do or do not cooperate, since their approach tends to emphasize the possibility of mutual wins they are interested in institutions which can result in joint profitable arrangements and compromises.Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, have tell that Neo liberalism is a response to Neo realism, while not denying the wide-open nature of the international placement, neoliberals argue that its importance and effect has been exaggerated.12 They view institutions as the mediator and the means to achieve cooperation among actors in the system. Both theories, however, consider the state and its interests as the central subject of analysis Neo liberalism may have a wider conception of what those interests are. Neo liberalism argues that even in an anarchic system of autonomous rational states cooperation can emerge through the building of norms, regimes and institutions.12 Steven L. Lamy, Neo Liberalism in The Globalization of World Politics An Introduction to International relations, ed. John Baylis and Steve Smith (Third edition, New York Oxford University, 2005),pp. 212 217.In this case, the author will use Neo liberalism in the recommendation through the joint development resource and other cooperation, which will be the approach to settle the conflict.International governingAn international regime is viewed as a set of implicit and unmistakable principles, norms, rules and procedures around which actors expectati ons converge in a particular issue-area as Stepen Krasner, 1983, had defied. An issue-area comprises of interactions in such diverse areas as nuclear nonproliferation, telecommunications, human right or environmental problems. A basic idea behind international regimes is that they countenance a transparent state behavior and a degree of stableness under conditions of anarchy in the international system. It is more than a set of rules it is higher level than institution. It has four elements principle, norm, rules and decision making proceduresThis regime theory is used to exempt the ARF with regards to settle the dispute.Regime can explain this phenomenon of ARF and others documents involved with the forum among the claimants and ASEAN along with the future of ASEANs institutionalization and recommendations moving forward and developing as a Code of conduct. contradict ResolutionConflict resolution is a wide range of methods of addressing sources of conflict matter at the inter-pe rsonal level or between states and of finding means of resolving a given conflict or of continuing it in less destructive forms than, say, armed conflict. Processes of conflict resolution generally include negotiation, mediation, diplomacy and creative peace building. The term conflict resolution is sometimes used interchangeably with the terms dispute resolution or alternative dispute resolution. The processes of arbitration, litigation, and formal complaint processes through an ombudsman, are part of dispute resolution and because they are also part of conflict resolutionIn this issue Confident-building Measures (CBMs) has been used to explain the approaches that ASEAN should try to settle the dispute such as ARF, using CBMs and assume forward to Preventive Diplomacy in order to develop regulation of conduct. One of the definitions for CMBs is to limit or reduce the level of fear among parties in conflict, which is essential for building confidence and a sense of security. Conf idence-building measures (CBMs) aim to change magnitude anxiety and suspicion by making the parties behavior more predictable.13 much(prenominal) agreements are meant to build trust among the conflicting parties and limit escalation. Some common CBMs are agreements meant to give each party assurance that the other is not preparing for a surprise military action or pursuing policies associated with such future action. Such agreements provide a way to avoid misunderstandings about ambiguous events or perceived threats and play an important role in instilling a sense of stability and security.13 Michelle Maiese, Objectives of Confidence-Building Measures, in http//www.beyondintractability.org/ render/confidence_building_measures/South AsiaMutual confidence is authoritative to reducing the likelihood of boisterous confrontations. In addition, such measures can discontinue for new institutional arrangements that will pave the way for more peaceful relations. Finally, confidence-buil ding measures can be crucial tools in preventive diplomacy and can be explained the recommendation to settle the dispute as one approach in the future.Mediation/Third Party in Conflict ManagementMediation is a special kind of negotiation designed to promote the settlement of a conflict. In this negotiation a distinctive role is played by a third party, that is, one not directly involved in the dispute in question14. The Third party should be impartial in the dispute. Its role is not to be confused with being a facilitator or providing mature offices. The third party searches actively for a settlement and is sometimes depict as a full abetter _or_ abettor in the negotiations15.14 Jacob Bercovitch, From Conflict Management to conflict Resolution The Problem Solving Approach, in neighborly Conflict and Third Parties Strategies of Conflict Resolution, (USA Westview Press., 1984), pp.19-35.15 G.R. Berridge, Mediation, in Diplomacy Theory and Practice, (Third Edition, New York Palgra ve Macmillan, 2005), pp.194-211.To summarize this method, Mediation/Third Party is used to explain the trend and possibility in resolving the issue as one options to settle the long dispute in the South China Sea. The primary means available to the six Spratly Islands contestants to influence the outcome of the dispute are diplomacy and military force-or some combination of the two. Clearly, the claimants do not all possess equal strengths and capabilities, particularly in the area of military power, and have developed their strategies accordingly. As a regional forum, ASEAN can employ its own diplomatic powers to mediate a peaceful settlement in the Spratlys however, its efforts cannot win unless the claimant nations themselves are willing to engage in multilateral negotiations.FORUM AND branch OF CONFLICT MANAGEMENTIt seems that negotiations aimed at resolving territorial disputes have basically been bilateral in nature, however the overwhelming differences in the relative size and bargaining strength of China and the other claimants, as well as the existence of ASEAN which provides a natural grouping for the Southeast Asian claimants, have also led to calls by some of the claimants from the latter to negotiate with China on a collective basis. This move has gathered momentum specially after the Mischief bring down discovery in early 1995, which interrelated the ASEAN states as never in the beginning. However, as is common with negotiations regarding territory, progress has been slow. Attempts have therefore been made for some time now to explore cooperation in sundry(a) fields while setting aside the issue of sovereignty and prevent conflict. In this chapter, the author will review all the forum and process of conflict management both bilaterally and multilaterally.3.4.1 China and ASEANASEANs role in the Spratly disputes has entered a new phase with the China-Philippines spat in the Mischief Reef area. ASEANs leaders are intent on not letting the b itterness block its eventual goal of creating a Zone of Peace, Freedom and disinterest in Southeast Asia and the economic development this will engender. In this context, some observers believe ASEAN should take a united stand against China in order to persuade China to resolve the issue peacefully and multilaterally.1616 Mark J. Valencia, pp.42.17 Ibid, 42.18 Buszynski, Leszek (2003) ASEAN, the Declaration on Conduct, and the South China Sea. Contemporary Southeast Asia. Vol.25. pp.343-36At the end of the 1995 annual meeting in Brunei, ASEAN Foreign Ministers issued a joint communiqu urging all claimants to intermit from fetching actions that could destabilize the region, including possibly undermining the freedom of navigation and aviation in the touched areas.17 The statement also reiterated the importance of promoting confidence-building measures and mutually beneficial cooperative ventures in the Indonesian- sponsored workshops.Ultimately ASEAN and China which along with the United States and Japan were included in the Bali talks agreed on guidelines for implementing the previously agreed 2002 Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC). Negotiations were difficult and the guidelines recrudesce more by what they do not say than by what they do. Indeed, they lose specifics, timelines and enforceability and their practical focus is on soft security issues such as environmental protection, marine science and transnational crime. Many saw the guidelines as only a first step towards a binding figure of conduct. Nevertheless, the agreement was significant because with the world watching there was a make do at stake. 18And they also needed to demonstrate that the South China Sea is safe for commerce.At the least, such a united front could reserve Chinas future actions in the area and push the dispute towards an interim solution. There was some urgency about taking a united stand before Vietnam joined ASEAN in order to avoid Chinas vie wing ASEAN as a vehicle for Vietnams agenda. There still may be a need to take a stand before Dengs death and the inevitable uncertainty it would bring.There has long been a divergence of views within ASEAN regarding the China threat and since ASEAN makes decisions by consensus, this divergence could reappear under stress. Apart from the problem that none of the three ASEAN claimants has shown any inclination to compromise with the others on the issue of sovereignty, ASEAN remains divided in its attitude towards China. Although Vietnam is now an ASEAN member, other members will try to prevent the organization from being dragged into the Vietnam-China rivalry.Indonesia, Thailand and Singapore are not even claimants (although Singapore and Thailand are concerned about the safety of sea-lanes in the South China Sea, and Thailand has offered to mediate the dispute). Some ASEAN states are concerned that confronting China now in the Spratlys could strengthen hardline nationalists in the struggle over the succession to Deng Xiaoping. Malaysia and Singapore prefer to encourage Chinas participation in a network of regional organizations as an embryonic structure of good citizenship. Nevertheless, if Chinas outline is clearly to divide and dominate, ASEAN may yet see the wisdom of together with proposing a multilateral solution.1919 Joyner, Christopher C. (2002) The Spratly Islands Dispute Legal Issues and Prospects for Diplomatic registration in John C. Baker and David G. Wiencek, eds., Cooperative Monitoring in the South China Sea Satellite Imagery, Confidence-building Measures, and the Spratly Islands Disputes (Westport, Connecticut Praeger). pp. 17-3420 Tnnesson, beer mug (2002) The History of the Dispute in Timo Kivimki, ed,.War or Peace in the South China Sea? (Copenhagen Nordic Institute of Asian Studies). pp. 6-23When Chinese defence mechanism Minister General Liang Guanglie was telling the Shangri la Dialogue in Singapore on June 3 that China is committed to maintaining peace and stability in the South China Sea and that China stood by the DOC, news media were reporting that on May 26 a Vietnamese survey ship operating on its claimed continental ledge had its seismometer cables cut by a Chinese patrol boat.20 Shortly after that event, China sent two vice chairmen of its Central military Commission to Southeast Asia to try to tranquillize ASEAN claimants.But a second such incident occurred on June 9, honorable two weeks later. Earlier, on March 4, the Philippines had protested an incident on the Reed bank in which two Chinese patrol boats allegedly threatened to ram a Philippine survey ship. Then, on the eve of General Liangs impose to Manila, Chinese fighter jets allegedly harassed Philippine fisher kinship group near disputed islands in the South China Sea. Worse, China responded to delirious protests from Vietnam and the Philippines by warning that any exploration in the vicinity of the disputed Spratly Islands without its consent was a violation of its jurisdiction and sovereignty, as well as of the DOC. The real-time link between Chinas stark and sweeping position and its enforcement sent a chill down the spines of ASEAN claimants and drew US attention.Indeed, Indonesia demonstrated that it could lead, not only to resolve regional disputes but also ASEAN as a whole. ASEAN and Vietnam in particular made a major compromise by agreeing to drop a clause that would mandate that it form an ASEAN position before dealing with China on South China Sea issues. Of course, there is nothing to prevent the claimants from informally consulting among themselves before approaching China, but the apparent motion was important to convince China that Vietnam cannot use ASEAN to gang up on it. Chinas position was that it should only have to deal with rival claimants Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. Of course, as chair of ASEAN, Indonesia had a responsibility to improve the standing of ASEAN and its memb ers. But Indonesia had more at stake than its reputation as a regional leader. Indeed, Indonesia has formally protested Chinas so-called nine-dashed line claim which overlaps some of its claimed maritime area in the South China Sea.3.4.2 ASEAN regional ForumIn the early 1990s, the South China Sea Conflict and Sino-ASEAN Relations prospect of a rising China was still perceived as a threat in Southeast Asia. China at that point launched a diplomatic offensive to act the existing ideational and normative structures that created this threat perception. It relentlessly denounced the idea that China posed a threat to Southeast Asia. However, it took time before Chinas new policy had the desired impact and the perception of China as a threat decreased. ASEAN meantime changed its behavior toward China. Chinas foreign minister was, for the first time, invited to the ASEAN ministerial meeting in 1991. The year after, China became a dialogue partner of the ASEAN. However, at this point Chin a was both inexperienced and reluctant to participate in multilateral frameworks. It only joined the ARF in 1994. This was, to quote Ren Xiao, a leading Chinese expert on Sino-ASEAN relations, a remarkable development, as China at the time had little experience in multilateral processes, except those within the United Nations system.2121 Amitav Acharya, Constructing a protection lodge in Southeast Asia ASEAN and the Problen of Regional Order (London Routledge, 2001). p. 175.In reality, Chinas move was a hedge against ARFs taking an anti-China direction rather than reflecting a genuine interest in dynamic. During the same period, only limited progress wasmade in the SCS, which continued to be perceived as the next Asian flashpoint. The SCS conflict was stalemated at a high intensity level, and there was no mutual trust or confidence. 2222 Global clock ReportUS,Philippines Start Joint Naval Exercise, June 29, 2011, Open Source Center, OSC-CPP2011062972200423 Buszynski, Leszek (2003 ) ASEAN, the Declaration on Conduct, and the South China Sea. Contemporary Southeast Asia. Vol.25. pp.343-362.Military exercises between the US Navy and ASEAN members have been exceedingly common even so during the George W. Bush administration. Since 1995, Cooperation Afloat Readiness And Training (CARAT) naval exercises have been conducted annually between the US and six out of 10 ASEAN members Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. This year, Cambodia became the first new CARAT participant in 16 geezerhood. Additionally, the Philippines and the US have held regular exercises in the wake of the global war on terror. As for other ASEAN members, Laos is landlocked, while Myanmar and the US are famously at loggerheads. notwithstanding its symbolism coming some decades after the Vietnam conflict, the recent result of US-Vietnam naval exercises is not exceptional when viewed in the wider regional context.During the last ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) meet ing in Hanoi, Vietnam, 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton created a stir during the usually low-key collection. She declared that The United States has a national interest in freedom of navigation, open access to Asias maritime cat valium and respect for international law in the South China Sea and that America seeks a collaborative diplomatic process by all claimants for resolving the respective(a) territorial disputes without coercion. Though the United States has maintained a potent naval presence in the region since WWII, this incident broke new ground in identifying American interests regarding the South China Sea.At the ARF, participants including China concluded by resolving to continue discussions on the matter. Despite the fear mongering that some commentators have done, China did not object to participating in further dialogue over the matter which was already current with ASEAN to begin with. The ministers statement reaffirms that the eventual conclusion of a Regional Code of Conduct in the South China Sea should follow on from the earlier declaration mentioned above.23 An ASEAN-China Joint running(a) root on the murder of the DOC occurred in Vietnam in April 2010 and another Joint Working Group Meeting was in China before at the end of 2010. all over time, this becomes a significant trust- and confidence-building process. It also helps develop routines for communication. This is useful for the successful growth toward an East Asian community, both in the sense of long-term peace building and the willingness and ability to handle issues and tensions occurring during the process. Moreover, it strengthens the voice of moderation. Different Track-2 processes facilitate the gathering of policy makers in a more informal setting to allow for relatively open and frank discussions on security issues.Preventive Security RegimesThe most important are those subsumed under ASEAN, namely the Declaration of a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrali ty (ZOPFAN) the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Co-operation in Southeast Asia the 1976 ASEAN Concord and the 1992 ASEAN Declaration on the South China Sea .24Together, the regimes collective in these instruments exert significant normative pressures on the ASEAN claimants to moderate their behaviour, refrain from resorting to the military potion, seek co-operative modes of conduct and explore peaceful resolution of disputes. There are a number of preventive security regimes which condition state behaviour over the Spratlys. It can be argued, however, that given the low levels of institutionalization and the relatively weak sanctions upon aberrant behaviour contained in these regimes, they are soft regimes. The non-activation of the ASEAN blue Council provided for by the Treaty of Amity also weakens the force of this particular regime for the ASEAN claimants. 25Nevertheless, despite their softness, the regimes have proved remarkably successful in constrictive conflict and enhancing co-o peration and confidence among the ASEAN states..24 Ibid, 106.25 Ibid,106.The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the Council on Security Co-operation in the Asia-Pacific (CSCAP) have significant potential for reinforcing preventive diplomacy and security in the Spratlys in the future if regime-building progresses gradually in the years ahead. For the present, their writ is highly proscribed by Chinas refusal to discuss the Spratlys in the ARF.Escalating tensions in 2009-10 demonstrated the consequences of the failure to implement the DoC. Those tensions also challenged ASEANs credibility and its oft-repeated claim to centrality of Asias security architecture. As chair of ASEAN in 2010, Vietnam prioritized the issue, with a modicum of success The Joint Working Group met twice in 2010 in Hanoi in April and in Kunming in December but did not achieve an agreement. Indonesia also pushed the issue when it held the ASEAN chair in 2011 The Joint Working Group met in April in Meden, which coinc ided with adramatic increase in tensions in the South China Sea. As M. Taylor Fravel notes in this volume, China adopted more aggressive manoeuvre between March and June, including harassing survey ships chartered by Vietnam and the Philippines. 26By mid-year, tensions in the South China Sea had escalated to their highest point since the end of the Cold War.26 Dutton, M. Taylor Fravel, crowd together R. Holmes, Robert D. Kapan, Will Rogers and Ian Storey. Center for a New American Security, January 2012.pp 53..(http//www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_CooperationFromStrength_Cronin_1.pdf)Conclusion analysisThe resolution to the South China Sea maritime border dispute is difficult because it is as complex as these multiple claims are various in the motives and concerns. It would be summarized that the dispute is difficult to be solved by using one approach as its commitment has been both limited and ambiguous behind, involved with territory, maritime zone and the rich r esources assumed existed in the South China Sea. Other underlying claimant motivations vary but economic science is clearly another common driving factor.The potential for profit in the form of oil, gas, fish, and mineral resources seems to be behind many claims, although (especially in the case of oil) this is based more on expectations of future discoveries than on proof of existing reserves. The desire to use claimed territories to extend exclusive economic zones (EEZs) and continental shelf zones within which a country may control exploration, exploitation, and preservat